"Let An Association Be Formed": Part Two

At last, everyone! Part Two of "Let An Association Be Formed ..." is now here! I apologize for the delay.

As discussed in "Let and Association Be Formed": Part One, Alexander Hamilton proposed a "Christian Constitutional Society" for the purpose of defending the Christian religion and the United States Constitution, which, as demonstrated in my last post, Hamilton believed were the sacred foundations of the American republic.

As illustrated in the quotes previously presented, Hamilton believed that these two foundations of American freedom were being threatened by the growing influence of atheist/humanist philosophy that was predominant in France and was gaining influence in America. More discouraging to Hamilton was the fact that his own party -- the Federalist Party -- which had largely resisted these foreign influences and which, from the very beginning of their existence as a party, had been the main supporters and Framers of the Constitution, now were willing to turn to corrupt men who promised to give power back to the Federalists.

One of these corrupt men was Aaron Burr. Hamilton and Burr had been personally acquainted ever since the careers of both men in law and politics first began, and it was clear to Hamilton -- and to everyone who knew Burr -- that he was an immoral, deistic, and perhaps even an atheistic man, who had defied the Constitution, opposed its ratification, and had been an open supporter of the Jacobins. Hamilton was shocked and saddened by the fact that the Federalists would support their own enemy in a misguided attempt to regain national influence.

Hamilton believed that it was necessary for those with the true Federalist principles at heart to unite and organize themselves and use whatever means which were in their power to reinstate those Federalist principles, not necessarily the Federalist Party. After contemplating the matter for apparently a considerable amount time Hamilton stated what he believed was the best solution, and wrote the following words to Bayard:

Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 12^th inst. Has relieved me of some apprehension. Yet it is well that it should be perfectly understood by the truly sound part of the Federalists, that there do in fact exist intrigues in good earnest, between several individuals not unimportant, of the Federal Party, and the person in question [Burr]; which are bottomed upon motives & views, by no means auspicious to the real welfare of the country. I am glad to find that it is in contemplation to adopt a plan of conduct. It is very necessary; & to be useful it must be efficient & comprehensive in the means which it embraces, at the same time that it must meditate none which are not reasonably constitutional & patriotic. I will comply with your invitation by submitting some ideas which from time to time have passed through my mind. Nothing is more fallacious than to expect to produce and valuable or permanent results, in political projects, by relying merely on the reason of men. Men are rather reasoning than reasonable animals for the most part governed by the impulse of passion. This is a truth well understood by our adversaries who have practiced upon it with no small benefit to their cause. For at the very moment they are eulogizing the reason of men & professing to appeal only to that faculty, they are courting the strongest and most active passion of the human heart – VANITY!

It is no less true that the Federalists seem not to have attended to the fact sufficiently; and that they erred in relying so much on the rectitude and utility of their measures, as to have neglected the cultivation of popular favor by fair & justifiable expedients. The observation has been repeatedly made by me to individuals with whom I particularly conversed & expedients suggested for gaining good will which were never adopted. Unluckily however for us in the competition for the passions of the people our opponents have great advantages over us; for the plain reason, that the vicious are far more active than the good passions, and that to win the latter to our side we must renounce our principles and our objects, & unite with corrupting public opinion till it becomes fit for nothing but mischief. Yet unless we can contrive to take hold of and carry along with us some strong feelings of the mind we shall in vain calculate upon any substantial or durable results. Whatever plan we may adopt, to be successful must be founded on the truth of this proposition. And perhaps it is not very easy for us to give it full effect; especially not without some deviations from what on other occasions we have maintained to be right. But in determining upon the propriety of the deviations, we must consider whether it be possible for us to succeed without in some degree employing the weapons which have been employed against us, & whether the actual state & future prospect of things, be not such as to justify the reciprocal use of them. I need not tell you that I do not mean to countenance the imitation of things intrinsically unworthy, but only of such as may be denominated irregular, such as in a sound and stable order of things ought not to exist. Neither are you to infer that any revolutionary result is contemplated. In my opinion the present Constitution is the standard to which we are to cling. Under its banners, bona fide must we combat our political foes – rejecting all changes but through the channel itself provides for amendments. By these general views of the subject have my reflections been guided. I now offer you the outline of the plan which they have suggested. Let an Association be formed to be denominated, "The Christian Constitutional Society." (1)

After seeing the problems with American government, politics, and society, Hamilton concluded that the only way to make the American people resistant to the pernicious political principles of the Jeffersonians was to impress upon the Americans "some strong feelings of the mind." Hamilton makes it clear that such "strong feelings of the mind" were to be found in Christianity. Hamilton observed through his own life's experiences and through history that Christianity is the only solid basis for morality in individuals, and therefore for society, and that morality is essential to any form of government, but it is especially essential to a free government. He also believed that because Christianity was the only solid basis for truth, it was then the only way to run a good form of government and a good society.

With this fact in mind, Hamilton's next statement becomes all the more interesting:

"Neither are you to infer that any revolutionary result is contemplated. In my opinion, the present Constitution is the standard to which we are to cling. Under its banners, bona fide, must we combat our political foes, rejecting all changes but through the channel itself provides for amendments. By these general views of the subject have my reflections been guided. I now offer you the outline of the plan which they have suggested. Let an association be formed to be denominated 'The Christian Constitutional Society.' " (emphasis added) (2)

Why would no "revolutionary result" be contemplated by Hamilton if he wished to support the Christian religion? Because the very Constitution which established the nation's government was established upon several basic Christian principles (the depravity of man, the necessity for moral restraints, the ultimate source of law and the rule of law, etc). Hamilton saw that these principles were being lost in the mire of French humanism and party politics, and he saw the need for those who were truly attached to the principles of free government to organize themselves into a single but "federal" unit, which Hamilton titled the "Christian Constitutional Society."

Its objects, or goals, were to be, in Hamilton's words:

"1st. The support of the Christian religion.
2nd. The support of the Constitution of the United States."

Hamilton laid down its organization very briefly:

"1st. A council, consisting of a president and twelve members, of whom four and the president to be a quorum.
2d. A sub-directing council in each State, consisting of a vice-president and twelve members, of whom four, with the vice-president, to be a quorum.
3d. As many societies in each State as local circumstances may permit to be formed by the sub-directing council. The meeting at Washington [D. C.] to nominate the president and vice-president, together with four members of each of the councils, who are to complete their own numbers respectively." (3)

Hamilton than laid down the means in which the Societies would go about their work:

"1st. The diffusion of information. For this purpose not only the newspapers, but pamphlets, must be largely employed, and to do this a fund must be created; five dollars annually, for eight years, to be contributed by each member who can really afford it (taking care not to burthen the less able brethren)[2 Corinthians 8:13-14], may afford a competent fund for a competent term. It is essential to be able to disseminate gratis useful publications. Wherever it can be done, and there is a press, clubs should be formed, to meet once a week, read the newspapers, and prepare essays, paragraphs, etc.
2d. The use of all lawful means in concert to promote the election of FIT [notice he did not say either "Federalist" or "Republican"] men; a lively correspondence must be kept up between the different societies.
3d. The promoting of institutions of a charitable and useful nature in the management of Federalists. The populous cities ought particularly to be attended to; perhaps it would be well to institute in such places—1st, societies for the relief of emigrants; 2d, academies, each with one professor, for instructing the different classes of mechanics in the principles of mechanics and the elements of chemistry. The cities have been employed by the Jacobins to give an impulse to the country; and it is believed to be an alarming fact that, while the question of presidential election was pending in the House of Representatives, parties were organizing in several of the cities in the event of there being no election, to cut off the leading Federalists and seize the government.
The foregoing to be the principal engine, and, in addition, let measures be adopted to bring as soon as possible the repeal of the judiciary law before the Supreme Court; afterwards, if not before, let as many Legislatures as can be prevailed upon instruct their Senators to endeavor to procure a repeal of the repealing law. The body of New England, speaking the same language, will give a powerful impulse. In Congress our friends to propose little, to agree cordially to all good measures, and to resist and expose all bad. This is a general sketch of what has occurred to me. It is at the service of my friends for so much as it may be worth." (4)

In summary of Hamilton's plan, the Christian Constitutional Society would consist of many other smaller societies on the state and local levels, and the "headquarters" of the Society would be based in the nation's capitol, Washington, D. C. A glance at the politics of the time demonstrates the early significance of local and state politics to national politics, so it is not surprising that Hamilton would organize the society in this way. The purpose of this Society is reflected in its name "Christian Constitutional," because Hamilton said that its goals were to be, in order of importance, (1) "the support of the Christian religion" and the (2) "support of the Constitution of the United States." Hamilton saw two major ways to accomplish these ends. The first way was "the diffusion of information" among the American people. Hamilton knew and acknowledged that "Here, . . . the people govern," and that the ultimate destiny of the American nation lay within the hands of the people. But Hamilton also made the statement that

"The voice of the people has been said to be the voice of God; and, however generally this maxim has been quoted and believed, it is not true in fact. The people are turbulent and changing; they seldom judge or determine right." (5)

So Hamilton knew that in order for the body of the people to be stable, moral, orderly, and therefore, able to govern themselves, they must be well-informed and influenced by Christianity. But at the period in which Hamilton wrote this letter, the American people had been largely subject to the attacks of skepticism, and such attacks were not without their influence upon the people. Hamilton, as well as other Founders, were beginning to witness a slow decline in the Christian faith and morality of the people, and therefore, their ability to govern themselves. Since the whole American experiment of constitutional law rested with the people, the Founders knew that some way had to be found to restore the true spirit of the American Revolution to America.

In addition to being assured of the truth of the Christian religion, Hamilton knew that the people must also know the original intent of the framers of the Constitution, of whom Hamilton himself was one. The societies would not only defend Christianity before the public, but would also present the Framers' views on government and on a proper interpretation and use of the Constitution.

But merely informing the people was not enough. Our government also rests upon another aspect of American society, and that is the election of individuals to positions of public trust. The second way in which the Christian Constitutional Society was to operate was to "promote the
election of FIT men" -- most likely, those men who would support the goals of the Society.

The third operation of the Christian Constitutional Society centered on charities, that were to operate under the supervision of the Federalist members. The first aspect was for the "relief of emigrants," and the second was to establish academies "for instructing the different classes of mechanics in the principles of mechanics and the elements of chemistry." The professors of each academy would be appointed by the society. Hamilton wrote an "especially confidential"note to Bayard along with his letter, stating that this objective should be taken care of especially int he large cities, because Hamilton observed that the influence of the Jacobins was most dominant in those places. Hamilton continued:

And it is believed to be an alarming fact, that while the question of Presidential Election was pending in the House of R[epresentative]s, parties were organized in several of the Cities, in the event of their being no election, to cut off the leading Federalists and seize the Government. (6)

Not long after Hamilton sent this letter, he received a reply from Bayard:

April 25, 1802

Dear Sir:

I have considered with a great deal of attention the project recommended in your last letter, of connected associations in the different states for the support of our Constitution and religion. This plan is marked with great ingenuity, but I am not inclined to think that it is applicable to the state of things in this country. Such an association must be bottomed upon a stronger and more active principle than reason, or even a sense of common interest, to render it successful. There is more material for such an association upon the other side than upon ours. We have the greater number of political calculators, and they of political fanatics.

An attempt at such an association, organized into clubs, on the part of the federalists, would revive a thousand jealousies and suspicions which now begin to slumber.
Let us not be too impatient, and our adversaries will soon demonstrate to the world the soundness of our doctrines, and the imbecility and folly of their own. Without any exertion upon our own part, in the course of two or three years they will render every honest man in the country our proselyte.

A degree of agitation and vibration of opinion must forever prevail under a government so free as that of the Unites States. Under such a government, in the nature of things, it is impossible to fix public opinion. It is still left the exertions of good men to prevent infinite evils, to which the country is exposed from the selfish and ambitious intrigues of demagogues.

The President's party [Thomas Jefferson's "Republicans"] in Congress is much weaker than you would be led to judge from the printed state of votes. Here we plainly discern that there is no confidence, more the smallest amount of attachment prevails among them.

The spirit which existed at the beginning of the session is entirely dissipated: a more rapid and radical change could not have been anticipated.
An occasion is only wanting for Virginia to find herself abandoned by all her auxiliaries, and she would be abandoned upon the ground of her inimical principles to an efficient federal government.

Upon the subject of the judiciary, I have had an opportunity of learning of the opinions of the Chief Justice [John Marshall]. He considers the late repealing act [Judiciary Act of 1801] as operative in depriving the judges of all power derived under the act repealed.
The office still remains, which he holds to be a mere capacity, without a new appointment, to receive and exercises any new judicial powers which the legislature may confer. It has been considered here as the most advisable course for the circuit courts to pursue, will be at the end of their ensuing session to adjourn generally, and to leave what remains to be done to the Supreme Court. (7)

The Christian Constitutional Society seems to have never again appeared in Hamilton's papers, and apparently, the idea was put aside as a result of Bayard's letter.

The Christian Constitutional Society was, however, not the first attempt Hamilton had made to revive the religious zeal of America and to reinstate Christian principles and the Framers' original intent into American politics. In fact, several years before Hamilton proposed this Society, he made proposals for public days of humiliation, prayer, and fasting for the United States Congress and the American nation, as a result of impending world war and the encroachment of the pernicious principles of the French Revolution into our land. Hamilton made these proposals to Timothy Pickering and James McHenry, both of whom were personal friends and political allies of him, and, at the time that Hamilton made the proposals, were members of the Cabinet of President John Adams. Hamilton wrote as follows:

TO JAMES MCHENRY

March 22 (?), 1797.

MY DEAR FRIEND:

Take my ideas and weigh them of a proper course of conduct for our Administration in the present juncture.

You have called Congress. 'T is well.

When the Senate meets (which I should be glad to see anticipated), send a Commission Extraordinary to France. Let it consist of Jefferson or Madison, Pinckney, and a third very safe man, say, Cabot (or Jay).

Proclaim a religious solemnity to take place at the meeting of Congress. ... I am really, my friend, anxious that this should be your plan. Depend on it, it will unite the double advantage of silencing enemies and satisfying friends. (8)

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING

March 22, 1797.

DEAR SIR:

It is now ascertained that Mr. Pinckney has been refused, and with circumstances of indignity. What is to be done? The share I have had in the public administration, added to my interest as a citizen, makes me extremely anxious that at this delicate crisis a course of conduct exactly proper may be adopted. I offer to your consideration, without what appears to me ceremony, such a course.

First.—I would appoint a day of humiliation and prayer. In such a crisis this appears to me proper in itself, and it will be politically useful to impress our nation that there is a serious state of things—to strengthen religious ideas in a contest, which in its progress may require that our people may consider themselves as the defenders of their country against atheism, conquest, and anarchy. It is far from evident to me that the progress of the war may not call on us to defend our firesides and our altars. And any plan which does not look forward to this as possible, will, in my opinion, be a superficial one. (9)

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING

NEW YORK, March 29, 1797.

DEAR SIR:

... I am also desirous of impressing the public mind strongly by a religious solemnity, to take place about the meeting of Congress. I also think the step intrinsically proper. (10)

TO TIMOTHY PICKERING

NEW YORK, March 17, 1798.

DEAR SIR:

... I would ... have the President to recommend a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer. The occasion renders it proper, and religious ideas will be useful. I have this last measure at heart. (11)


TO THEODORE SEDGWICK

ALBANY, MARCH 1-15, 1798

... Let the President also call to his aid the force of religious Ideas by a day of fasting, humiliation, & prayer. This will be in my opinion no less proper in a political than in a Religious View. We must oppose to political fanaticism religious zeal. (12)

Perhaps Hamilton would have carried through with the establishment of the Society, had he not died two years later in his tragic duel with Aaron Burr. But for now, posterity can only wonder and admire his idea. Perhaps someone will have the inspiration to take on Hamilton's idea for the betterment of America and the Founders' vision. But for now, it is our duty as Americans to carry on in the spirit of the American Revolution -- this spirit will be the subject of an upcoming post, now that we have passed the 231st anniversary of our national independence. The reasons for the American Revolution are important to discuss and understand, because we may not have our national sovereignty and independence for very long.

For more on Hamilton and Christianity, click here for information available on my blog the Alexander Hamilton Patriot.

NOTES:
(1) The Works of Alexander Hamilton (edited by Henry Cabot Lodge), vol. 10
(2-4) Same
(5) Robert Yates' version of Hamilton's June 18, 1787 speech before the Constitutional Convention -- The Works of Alexander Hamilton (edited by H. C. Lodge), vol. 1
(6) same as note #1
(7) The Papers of Alexander Hamilton (edited by H. C. Syrett and J. E. Cooke), vol. 25, pp.613-614
(8-11) The Works of Alexander Hamilton (edited by H. C. Lodge), vol. 10
(12) The Papers of Alexander Hamilton (edited by H. C. Syrett and J. E. Cooke), vol. 21, pp. 362-363